Se trata de los principios que personas racionales y libres interesadas en promover su propio interés aceptarían en una poscición original de igualdad de modo que defina los fundamentos de los términos de su asociación:Primero: cada persona debe tener un derecho igual al esquema más extenso de libertades básicas iguales compatible con un esquema similar de libertades para otros.Segundo: Las desigualdades sociales y económicas deben de resolverse de modo tal que:a) resulten en el mayor beneficio de los miembros menos aventajados de la sociedadb) los cargos y puestos deben de estar abiertos para todos bajo condiciones de igualdad de oportunidadesJohn Rawls
viernes, 5 de marzo de 2010
Mi reino por una tostada
lunes, 1 de marzo de 2010
Ante la ley
| Ante la ley hay un guardián. Un campesino se presenta frente a este guardián, y solicita que le permita entrar en la Ley. Pero el guardián contesta que por ahora no puede dejarlo entrar. El hombre reflexiona y pregunta si más tarde lo dejarán entrar. -Tal vez -dice el centinela- pero no por ahora. La puerta que da a la Ley está abierta, como de costumbre; cuando el guardián se hace a un lado, el hombre se inclina para espiar. El guardián lo ve, se sonríe y le dice: -Si tu deseo es tan grande haz la prueba de entrar a pesar de mi prohibición. Pero recuerda que soy poderoso. Y sólo soy el último de los guardianes. Entre salón y salón también hay guardianes, cada uno más poderoso que el otro. Ya el tercer guardián es tan terrible que no puedo mirarlo siquiera. El campesino no había previsto estas dificultades; la Ley debería ser siempre accesible para todos, piensa, pero al fijarse en el guardián, con su abrigo de pieles, su nariz grande y aguileña, su barba negra de tártaro, rala y negra, decide que le conviene más esperar. El guardián le da un escabel y le permite sentarse a un costado de la puerta. Allí espera días y años. Intenta infinitas veces entrar y fatiga al guardián con sus súplicas. Con frecuencia el guardián conversa brevemente con él, le hace preguntas sobre su país y sobre muchas otras cosas; pero son preguntas indiferentes, como las de los grandes señores, y, finalmente siempre le repite que no puede dejarlo entrar. El hombre, que se ha provisto de muchas cosas para el viaje, sacrifica todo, por valioso que sea, para sobornar al guardián. Este acepta todo, en efecto, pero le dice: -Lo acepto para que no creas que has omitido ningún esfuerzo. Durante esos largos años, el hombre observa casi continuamente al guardián: se olvida de los otros y le parece que éste es el único obstáculo que lo separa de la Ley. Maldice su mala suerte, durante los primeros años audazmente y en voz alta; más tarde, a medida que envejece, sólo murmura para sí. Retorna a la infancia, y como en su cuidadosa y larga contemplación del guardián ha llegado a conocer hasta las pulgas de su cuello de piel, también suplica a las pulgas que lo ayuden y convenzan al guardián. Finalmente, su vista se debilita, y ya no sabe si realmente hay menos luz, o si sólo lo engañan sus ojos. Pero en medio de la oscuridad distingue un resplandor, que surge inextinguible de la puerta de la Ley. Ya le queda poco tiempo de vida. Antes de morir, todas las experiencias de esos largos años se confunden en su mente en una sola pregunta, que hasta ahora no ha formulado. Hace señas al guardián para que se acerque, ya que el rigor de la muerte comienza a endurecer su cuerpo. El guardián se ve obligado a agacharse mucho para hablar con él, porque la disparidad de estaturas entre ambos ha aumentado bastante con el tiempo, para desmedro del campesino. -¿Qué quieres saber ahora? -pregunta el guardián-. Eres insaciable. -Todos se esfuerzan por llegar a la Ley -dice el hombre-; ¿cómo es posible entonces que durante tantos años nadie más que yo pretendiera entrar? El guardián comprende que el hombre está por morir, y para que sus desfallecientes sentidos perciban sus palabras, le dice junto al oído con voz atronadora: -Nadie podía pretenderlo porque esta entrada era solamente para ti. Ahora voy a cerrarla. Franz Kafka |
viernes, 5 de febrero de 2010
De Stravinsky y la Nueva Derecha
IS THE NEW RIGHT A LIBERAL OR CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT?
Bosco F. Alava, Queen Mary, University of London
ABSTRACT
The New right is a movement which arose in the sixties, that bases its thinking around the importance of the man as an individual, and thus favours the existence of a free, laisez-faire market and the respect for individual liberties. Neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism have in common that they arose as a response to the damages the free market did in the economy, with individualism as base. In spite of their common points, the irreconciliation if their philosophical roots renders them incompatible. The New right resembles neo-liberalism in its conception of the human being and the economic theory of free market. By contrast, resembles neo- conservatism in the sense that it has a strong “looking back to a golden age” tendency. However, looking back to a primary conservatism in which the welfare state still has not been adopted, or to a neo-conservatism that rejects it, the two ideologies have many common points. However, different factors will lead to the conclusion that New Right belongs to a neo-liberal approach.
This essay will try to give a comparative approach to the “New Right”, and try to classify it as a conservative or liberal movement. Firstly, an introduction to the New Right will be given, followed by a summary of the views of both liberal and conservative groups. An analysis of the neo-conservatism and neo-liberalism, of their similarities and differences and compatibility will follow. Then a detailed analysis of the similarities and differences of the New Right with this schools of thought in both social end economic matters will lead to an answer to the question this essay has for title.
The New Right is a set of ideas that arose in the sixties, and have had influence in the last three decades of political thought. It is said to be “strongly economistic”[1], in the sense that its main lines of consideration are based on the idea of free economic choice rather than the welfare state (as it motivates individuals to depend on benefits), and it favours free market. As with respect to social policy, it is based on (or according to Barry, is a response to)[2] the post-war consensus, and postulates the belief that “the individual human is primary”[3] and thus, the individual should matter over the moral standards. It also believes in voluntary cooperation as more effective than forced and it is hostile to racial, religious and sexual prejudice as well as privilege. Finally, its thought is depicted with the ideas of rationalism and optimism. However, to classify the New right into one of the two most broadly spread political doctrines (liberalism and conservatism), a short analysis of both will be provided.
Liberalism can be shortly defined as “a political orientation that favours social progress by reform and by changing laws rather than by revolution”, and also as “an economic theory advocating free competition and self-regulating market”. [4] Barbara Goodwin defines the main “ingredients of liberalism” as: a conception of the individual being “essentially rational”[5], a government “based on the
Consent of people”[6] with law and a constitution that limit its power, in a society marked by freedom, equality of opportunity and social justice based on merit.
However, this doctrine has evolved to what in this essay will be called “neo-liberalism”, even though this term refers to the classical economic liberalism developed from 1938 by economists and sociologists such as Rüstow. Barbara Goodwin identifies some contemporary principles that are born from liberalism, but “which also challenge it in certain ways”.[7] The most extreme of these is libertarianism, which can be understood as a pure and radical liberalism. Libertarians believe in absolute freedom of thought and speech and the use of state to create greater equality, but at the same time eliminate all the state intervention in economy or other public affairs. Other elements of the new liberalism are nationalism (seen as a reaction against imperialist oppressive regimes) and a renewed “mainstream” liberalism that continues with the traditional approach but with little changes, for example the substitution of the “self-interested individual” for the “self-interested group”. One of the maximum exponents of this set of ideas, Thatcher, is clear about this trend: “There is no such thing as society (…) only individuals and families”[8]
Conservatism, in the other hand is defined as the “political orientation advocating the preservation of the best in society and opposing radical changes”[9]. This political theory is completely opposed to liberalism in the sense that its “view of human nature is an acceptance of the need for (…) authoritarian government”.[10] Again as opposed to liberalism, in economics matter conservatives prefer government intervention on economics affairs.
As well as liberalism, the conservative doctrine has suffered an evolution, which has transformed the actual conservatism in something in many ways different than the ideas that the founders had in mind. The initial conservatism, which favoured the virtues of tradition, and was, over all, mostly an economic doctrine, had been slowly modified to adopt the Welfare state as one of its predominant ideas. Neo-conservatism was a response to this “welfare liberalism”, as Goodwin calls it, that had appeared after World War two. Neoconservative thinkers reject the idea of welfare state and try to return to this “pure” conservatism, by praising the initial liberal individualist approach. Even though conservatism has always been associated with the right in the political spectrum, the term “New Right” does not mean that the movement has to be compulsorily a neoconservative movement.
Even though traditionally, liberalism and conservatism have represented two absolutely different concepts and way of life (tradition vs. reform, free will vs. determinism, welfare state vs. economic liberalism, etc), in their new versions, the thinkers in both sides coincide in much more things than the original founders could have thought. Locke’s primitive individualism seems to be a base for the two, and also both abhor the state intervention. It seems that their origins are similar; both are born as a reaction to the political imbalances after World War two, but most importantly, their purpose is the same. They both arose as a criticism to their origins, driven by “the notion that liberalism and conservatism had failed”[11], and the two of them want to achieve the perfection that their original basis advocated for. At rough draft, it can also be said that both movements have a trend towards equalitarianism and away from authoritarianism.
Nevertheless, the fact that they have so many points in common does not mean that these two movements are the same. The broad differences between them are that the neoconservatives, if not totally preserving traditions, still look back and allow such traditions to influence their new decisions, while the neo-liberals are focused solely on radical change. Also, while the neoconservative movement has a strong preference for law and order, some authors classify some groups inside the neo-liberals as close to anarchism (for example the minarchists).
In spite of their similarities and differences, the fact that both movements exist at the same time means that they have to be either complimentary or contradictory. They both are, as said above, a response to the new generations of free market economic thinking applied since World War Two and the economic instability era that succeeded. In the sense that their aims and objectives are the same, the both movements are complimentary. Nevertheless, when analysed in depth come to light all the differences stated above, that happen because the two movements have very contrastive philosophical genesis. Concepts that seemed communal to both movements in the beginning, such as individualism, are unfolded to the rationalist neo-liberal perspective, contrary to the mistrust of human nature that underlies in the neoconservative theory. Their opposite philosophical roots make this two movements, if not contradictory, at least not complimentary, meaning that it is either one of both that it is going to be present in the new right, and therefore dominate the other, since the New Right is the most eminent doctrine regarding these two movements.
The New Right has many features that can make it belong to a neo-liberal movement. Coming back to the definition portrayed above, and as a movement based fundamentally in economics, it reflects exactly the economic liberal theory: in favour of the choice of individuals on how to spend and earn their money (and deciding on the services they want to pay for). New right thinkers believe in a laissez-faire economy, where excessive interventionism (like in the welfare state) should be avoided. Therefore, free market and competition are the key to an efficient economic system. This reminds to first economic liberalism theories, such as Adam Smith’s, that had been exchanged for more interventionist approaches after the 1929 market crash.
Precisely, the fundaments of libertarianism apply very well to the ideas on which the New Right is based. Both New Right thinkers and libertarians advocate the maximization of individual liberty, and fight the intervention of the state. In fact, their principles are so common that some authors dare to say that “the birth of the New Right occurred when libertarians finally accepted the fact that they had been abandoned by the liberals, used and misled by other radicals and sold out by the conservatives”[12], implying that the New Right owes its origins to, and is based in libertarianism.
The New Right has also many elements in common with conservatism. Its lines of thought have a “pronounced tendency to look back at a supposed Golden age”.[13] This is almost the signature of a conservative, who is opposed to radical change in the belief that all the past was better. Also, New Right thinkers are opposed to the actual conservative economic policies, but as Levitas states,
“Exponents of both strands of the New Right claim, in fact, to be returning to their original nineteenth-century forms, prior to the contamination by the “socialist” ideas of the welfare state”[14]
When taking into account the similarities of New Right with conservatism what comes to mind is the conservatism in vogue today, and then it is obvious that (at least in economic terms, which are the most important when speaking about the New Right) it defends exactly the contrary as nineteenth-century “original” conservatives. Nevertheless, if the term “conservative” has its meaning changed to “early conservative” (i.e., the doctrines that can be seen in Burke’s and Lord Salisbury’s writings), the clash about the conception of the economy (welfare state vs. free economic choice) between actual conservatives and New Right thinkers can be eliminated. However, the social and moral implications of the new right would be “too liberal” for an early conservatism.
Not, however, for neoconservatives who, as stated above, advocate to a “return” to the pure ideals of liberalism, but also having evolved accordingly with the actual times. This evolution makes possible that the neoconservative theory, and neoconservatives themselves are able to cope perfectly with the social and moral implications of the New Right.
Opinions vary between authors at the time of defining the position of the New Right in the political spectrum. While Goodwin directly defines it as a “new ideological variant of conservatism”,[15] Davies states that it is “best defined as neo-liberal, or (…) libertarian”,[16] and so does Barry but Lyons writes that “The New Right reminded many of us that there was life in conservatism after all”.[17] Some, like Green even claim that “the use of the term (New Right) is misleading because the old left-right dichotomy is now defunct”[18].
In spite of that, it seems that the New Right has more elements of liberalism than of conservatism, and more of neo-liberalism than of neo-conservatism. Its strong economistic doctrine of free market and lack of state intervention, as well as the moral approach mattering the individual even over moral standards come from the idea of the natural goodness of human being, a human being that does not need or want an exhaustive or invasive control by the government, neither in markets nor in its personal life. This conception of the human being around which the rest of the thought is built tips the balance considerably in favour of liberalism, and therefore can be concluded that even though not in a complete sense (the tendency to look back to a “golden age” and the importance given to economic policies might remind to an early conservatism), the New Right can be classified as a neo-liberal, if not libertarian, movement.
Bibliography:
Barry, N. (1985) The New Right. London: Croom Helm.
Davies, S. (1985). The Spectre haunting the left. In: Hayek, F.A The New Right enlightenment. Kent: Economic and literary books.
Dionne, E.J. (1991). Why Americans Hate Politics. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 55
Green, D. (1985). From socialism to the new liberalism. In: Hayek, F.A The New Right enlightenment. London: Economic and literary books.
Goodwin, B (2007). Using political ideas. 5th ed. London: Wiley.
Klatch, R. (1999). A generation divided London: University of California Press
Levitas, R. (1986). The political economy of freedom. In: Levitas, R The ideology of the New Right. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Lyons, P (1996). New left, New right and the legacy of the sixties. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
[1] Davies, S. (1985). “The Spectre haunting the left”. In: Hayek, F.A The New Right enlightenment. Kent: Economic and literary books. P 23.
[2] See: Barry, N.(1985) The New Right. London: Croom Helm. Preface.
[3] Davies, S. (1985). Op. Cit. P. 21
[4] Cognitive Science Laboratory (Princeton University). Available: http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=liberalism. Last accessed 24/11/2009.
[5] Goodwin, B (2007). Using political ideas. 5th ed. London: Wiley. P 37.
[6] Goodwin, B (2007). Op. Cit. P 39
[7] Goodwin, B (2007). Op. Cit. P 59
[8] Interview published in “Woman’s own” on 31/10/87. Available in http://www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches/displaydocument.asp?docid=106689. Last accessed 20/1/10.
[9] Cognitive Science Laboratory (Princeton University). Available:
http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=conservatism. Last accessed 25/11/2009
[10] Goodwin, B (2007). Op. Cit. P 165
[11] Dionne, E.J. (1991). “Why Americans Hate Politics”. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 55
[12] Lehr, S. & Rosetto Jr. , L.. (10/1/1971). “The New Right credo- libertarianism”. The New York Times magazine. P. 23-24.
[13] Davies, S. (1985). Op. Cit. P. 24
[14] Levitas, R. (1986). “The political economy of freedom”. In: Levitas, R The ideology of the New Right. Cambridge: Polity Press. P 4.
[15] Goodwin, B (2007). Op. Cit. P 171
[16] Davies, S. (1985). Op. Cit. P. 21
[17] Lyons, P (1996). New left, New right and the legacy of the sixties. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. P 71.
[18] Green, D. (1985). “From socialism to the new liberalism”. In: Hayek, F.A The New Right enlightenment. London: Economic and literary books. P 14.
Ahí queda la cosa. Os contaré el miércoles cómo ha ido. Besos o abrazos según corresponda.
miércoles, 27 de enero de 2010
First Aid Kit en Rough Trade
martes, 26 de enero de 2010
Los consejos
Dear Bosco,I'm sorry for the delay getting back to you. I have been away.Your draft is a very good starting point for the essay and you have done well to decide on the comparative examples you have come up with with the. The essay is also well written and referenced clearly.In order to move the essay on to an even higher level, you need to think carefully about what the essay is asking you to discuss. That is, is the question asking you to discuss, theory, methodology or empirical fact? If the essay is asking you to show an awareness of the different theoretical positions found in the new institutionalism, it would be helpful to devote more time to what rational choice theory is saying, why and how to you can falsify the position. If you want to discuss voting to do this, then that is fine, but it would help to devote a bit of time to explaining your decision making process here. Also, your choice of voting in the US and in Spain is interesting, but you could make it work harder by going into more detail about the outcome of an application of rational choice theory v cultural institutionalism in these contexts.Best wishes
viernes, 22 de enero de 2010
Esto no es ser músico
Esta es la historia real de los músicos de verdad. Y no la de los vividores que con su bazofia pseudoartística están contaminando a nuestros jóvenes.Queridos Rosario Flores, Tamara, Alejandro Sanz, David Demaría, Antonio Carmona, Chenoa, Ramoncín... y un largo etcétera de hipócritas autodenominados "músicos" vividores al amparo de la SGAE:Lo que llamáis vosotros "piratería" y que se corresponde más bien a una especie de "contrabando de música", se da cuando una o varias personas se lucra personalmente, sin pagar derechos de autor ni impuestos, valiéndose del trabajo de otros.
Las personas que descargamos música de internet para escucharla en nuestro ordenador, en nuestro iPod o en nuestro coche no somos piratas, ni contrabandistas de nada. No nos lucramos con vuestro trabajo, aunque no paguemos la media de 18-21 euros que cuestan vuestros CDs de mierda con 10-13 canciones (salvo en recopilatorios). Lo que sí hacemos desde hace tiempo es pagar una de las conexiones de banda ancha más caras que hay en territorio occidental y el puñetero canon por cada CD virgen que compramos, lo usemos para grabar música o no.
Y ahora os voy a contar la vida de un músico de los de verdad:
"Érase una vez un chico llamado Pablo. El papá de Pablo era tenor profesional en un coro profesional, de modo que nació en un ambiente muy musical. A los cinco años empezó a estudiar solfeo con su padre. Como el papá de Pablo vio que tenía maña con el solfeo, lo matriculó en el Conservatorio Profesional de Música a los siete años. El instrumento que eligió Pablo fue el piano.
La carrera de piano, desde el grado elemental hasta la finalización del grado superior, dura una media de quince años.
Quince años de compaginar la educación primaria, y posteriormente la secundaria, con las clases en el conservatorio. Quince años de salir de un centro de estudios para meterse en otro. Quince años de terminar de hacer los deberes y estudiar para los exámenes a medianoche. Quince años de acostumbrarse a dormir seis horas. Quince años de tocar el piano de dos a tres horas cada día. Quince años de tener que renunciar a salidas a la discoteca, excursiones al campo o noches de parranda por tener el doble de responsabilidades que un chaval normal. Quince años de muchos fines de semana en casa preparándose las obras, estudiándose las partituras. Quince años de trabajo intenso, entrega, compromiso, dedicación y sacrificio.
Con todo eso, Pablo obtuvo el graduado superior de piano a los veintitrés años. Ya había estado dando recitales en escuelas, talleres de piano, casas culturales de pueblos de su región, etc. Los periódicos locales hablaban maravillas de su virtuosismo. Y comenzaron a pagarle por sus clases en los cursos de verano y por sus conciertos de música en auditorios un poco más importantes. Y reunió el dinero suficiente para irse al Real Conservatorio de la Haya durante un año a estudiar con los mejores. Porque en este desgraciado país es lo que tiene que hacer un músico de los de verdad si quiere dedicarse a la música de la de verdad: salir fuera a buscar a los mejores.
Volvió a los veintiocho años, después de un año yendo de masterclass en masterclass. Y gracias a su tesón y su talento, obtuvo contratos para actuar por Europa. Tardó otro año más en comenzar a dar conciertos en las grandes salas de música de Alemania, Francia, Italia... Y a los treinta años actuó por primera vez en Estados Unidos y Canadá.
Su esfuerzo constante, su trabajo diario, su formación, su entrega, su amor por la música, le llevó a ser uno de los más grandes. Y vivió de su piano durante toda su vida porque se tomó cada concierto de la misma manera que el primer recital que dio a los veinte años frente a su conservatorio."
Los Pablos que hay por el mundo, y son muchos, se indignan cuando salís vosotros, musicuchos de pacotilla, reclamando dinero por la música como algo vuestro. Los Pablos no se manifiestan con pancartas si no para reclamar fondos para sus conservatorios, becas para sus estudios, para que no sea necesario abandonar su país, su familia y amigos para poder granjearse un futuro profesional digno. Los Pablos que terminan viviendo de la música les importa un carajo si el CD en el que grabaron el Concierto nº 1 de Tchaikovsky cuesta en las tiendas un 50% menos de lo que vale la última mierda de El Canto del Loco.
Porque esos Pablos no viven de las ventas de los discos en donde graban las grandes obras de la historia de la música, de la música de la de verdad. Esos Pablos viven de los conciertos con que deleitan a los aficionados que pagan una entrada para sentirlos en directo.
No como vosotros, panda de necios. Menos quejarse y más currarse los directos. Mirad como no está entre vosotros Manolo García. Ni Fito. Ni los que en verdad se toman la música en serio.
Que os den a todos.
jueves, 21 de enero de 2010
If...
"Solicitudes de plaza abiertas para el Drapers Skills Award!! Para aplicar, ir a tal sitio web."
jueves, 7 de enero de 2010
Mar, el poder del mar
Dices que vengo, que voy, que siento, que escucho, que pertenezco. Que sirvo para mucho, que me estremezco. Que mi mirada es limpia (suave brisa). Que sientes el deseo de tenerme cerca, que te distancias por miedo a perderme. Que el barrio es más hermoso desde que aparecí, que soy la luz que alumbra el jardín. El viento que se lleva a la señora luna para que luzca el sol, mi amor. Hoy sólo puedo decir: siento lo mismo por tí. El mismo sentimiento por tí.
Que sí, que sí que bien, que me encanta escucharte, adoro sentirte. Verte moverte y sorprenderte, de pronton, haciéndote cosquillas en las rodillas. Que sí, que sí, que bien, que me encanta escucharte, adoro sentiret. El barrio es más hermoso desde que apareciste, hoy luce el sol en mi corazón.
Mi niña, mi bien, mi rayo de luz. El camino que lleva a tu casa es mi alegría: la primavera ha llegado a la ciudad, y no sabes lo bien que me sienta, mamá. Los días tranquilos transcurren, serenos. Tus pasos, los míos peinando el sendero. ¿Quién dijo que los muertos no iban a resucitar? Hoy llego más puro que el agua mineral.
Tu cara, tu casa, tus ojos sonriendo en mi cara, la brisa, la mañana, el sol por la ventana. La calma, caricias, tu respiración: resuenan campanas desde el comedor. Las nubes en el cielo, y pasa un avión (dibuja una línea blanca, algodón), tu almohada, tus ojos, tu mirada. Estoy en tu casa. Adoro tu casa. Pasa un avión y traza una línea (ahora de plata). De plata la mdealla del subcampeón: hoy gano, tú ganas, ganamos los dos... (estonosepara).